Primakov Finds Role In Putin's Kremlin

On May 17, 1999, just days after President Boris Yeltsin sacked Prime Minister Yevgeny Primakov, Vladimir Putin f then the little-known chief of the Federal Security Service f visited Primakov and gave him a hunting rifle to thank him for his contribution to protecting Russia's security.


By the standards of post-Soviet politics, where turning away from fallen heroes is still customary, that was quite a gesture. And a special relationship between the two politicians f with a touch of the chivalry of former spies f appears to continue even though Primakov's presidential ambitions were crushed by the Kremlin when it opted for Putin instead.


On Thursday, President Putin received Primakov, the leader of the Fatherland-All Russia coalition, to discuss the work of the conciliatory commission that is trying to resolve the differences between the State Duma and the Federation Council over Putin's plan to reconfigure the upper chamber, news agencies reported.


They also spoke about the situation in Transdnestr, a defacto independent Russian-speaking part of Moldova, said presidential spokesman Alexei Gromov. Putin has appointed Primakov the head of a commission to push for a political settlement.


Although a far cry from Primakov's former foreign policy missions f such as attempting to appease Iraqi leader Saddam Hussein prior to the Desert Storm operation in 1991 f the appointment is nonetheless a sign that Primakov's foreign policy expertise is heeded by the Kremlin and that he has carved out a niche for himself as an adviser who has Putin's ear.


The Transdnestr commission was formed after Putin's visit last month to Moldova, the last stop on a trip that took him to Spain and Germany. Primakov was part of Putin's delegation.


Primakov was not available for comment Thursday. The aide who answered the telephone said Primakov was "busy with meetings at the highest level late into the day." In addition to meeting with Putin, Primakov also spoke by telephone with Ukrainian President Leonid Kuchma about Transdnestr, Itar-Tass said.


A political analyst close to Primakov said he and Putin enjoy mutual respect and common background. Furthermore, their political agendas have much in common.


"Putin respects Primakov, taking into account all his former experience and the similarity of their professional careers," said Vyacheslav Nikonov, director of the Politika research center.


"For intelligence officers [such as Putin], Primakov is persona grata as a person who, to an extent, managed to save the foreign intelligence service in the early 1990s," Nikonov said Thursday.


He said Primakov "always speaks positively of Putin." Even during the harsh confrontation between Fatherland and the Kremlin during last year's parliamentary race, when some consultants advised Primakov to wage an attack on Putin, "Primakov refused and forbid others to do so," Nikonov said. He stressed that unlike the fallout between Moscow Mayor Yury Luzhkov and Putin's circle, there has never been bad blood between Primakov and Putin.


Although Putin, 47, is of a different generation than Primakov, 70, they share a KGB background. Some of Putin's policies appear to continue what Primakov had in mind during his eight-month term as prime minister but either had no time or resolve to finish. Or never made so explicit.


Nikonov said Primakov had comissioned his aides to study options for federal reform, although these plans never reached the phase of public discussion. Today, a plan to take power away from the governors is a main thrust of Putin's policy and was a subject of their discussion Thursday.


In one of his most controversial statements, Primakov once spoke about "optimizing jails" to make room for "economic criminals." During his term, criminal cases were opened against oligarchs Boris Berezovsky and Alexander Smolensky.


"Primakov never openly attacked the oligarchs," Nikonov said. "But in his heart, Primakov would not be against the anti-oligarch campaign that Putin has now launched."


At the same time, Primakov and Putin both bank on liberal economic policies combined with a firmer grip on political power.